When the Euphoria Ends
The Democrats are euphoric because they have the 60 votes for the health care bill and it is hard not to get caught up in their excitement of finally overcoming the Republican no machine. But one has to ask after the confetti settles, what was really accomplished and is now the Senate completely dysfunctional with the filibuster and the 60-vote requirement for every bill becoming the national standard?
I think what will dawn on most people if they really look at this thing is that it is not a health care reform bill, but a health welfare bill. From my vantage point it looks like we simply added a bunch of people to health care coverage under the existing system, with no reform of the existing system. But what do I know and it is true that there still could be a decent bill as a result of the conference committee between the House and Senate, but I doubt it. What is even more scary are the issues raised eloquently by Howard Dean and Tavis Smiley on MSNBC’s Meet the Press.
First lets focus on what Dr. Dean brought to the table:
“Here’s the major problem, David. We have committed–in this last week of unseemly scrambling for votes, we have committed to go down a path in this country where private insurance will be the way that we achieve universal health care. That means we’re going to have a 30-year battle with the insurance industry every time when we try to control costs and try to get them do things. It is not a coincidence, David Gregory, that insurance company stocks, health insurance company stocks, hit a 52-year high on Friday. So they must know something that the rest of us don’t.
It is possible to do that. Two other countries that I know of do that exclusively in private insurance. It is very, very difficult. It is very, very expensive. We are nowheres near where Switzerland and the Netherlands are in terms of their regulatory apparatus on the private insurance industry. So I, I, I just think this is going to be a very, very difficult, tough row to hoe.”
In simple words he laid out the problem, that would be private insurance companies and they were in the drivers seat on crafting this bill. So to think we could implement the kind of control necessary to make this system work is really a pipe dream. But Tavis Smiley took this one step beyond and focused what has happened and what it portends for the other tough issues we face:
“And here’s the problem for me. It’s not just, David, that we’re not getting the kind of health care that we were promised we were going to get, it’s that in the president’s first big fight with a powerful lobby in Washington, the White House lost and they lost big. And that, I think, portends something very dangerous down the road for all the other issues we have to deal with where lobbies are going to be pushing back on the White House.”
But I do believe that you have to stand on your principle. And with all due respect to the White House and the president, who deserves great credit for taking this issue on and pushing it further down the field than any other seven presidents have done, you still have to ask where is the principle that we started out with, and how firm have we stood on that principle? I think that the danger of this White House is this, that the president and his team appear to be incrementalists. I, I warned the last time I was on this program, quoting Dr. King, about taking the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. I don’t know that we get from here to there on all the issues that matter to Americans, that we sounded off on at the polls last year. If the strategy on health care, on torture, on climate change, on the economy, is going to be one of incrementalism, that ain’t going to get it done.”
Said another way, if you compromise your principles to get a bill, any bill, there will never really be any change. Even worse, this approach previews the failures ahead on the other great issues before us. Of course all of this would not be necessary if the Senate still was a place for majority rule. I have often argued that visionaries and the great changes they bring are not because of a super majority see that way forward. It requires overcoming the conventional wisdom and getting a simple majority is hard enough. Paul Krugman, in his column this morning (A Dangerous Dysfunction) touched on this problem and how the Senate could simply do away with this onerous requirement. Nothing in the Constitution requires a super majority. Will we fix it? I doubt it. But if we don’t we are doomed to repeat the failures of the last thirty years.